Reading notes

Markos points out Sidney Blumenthal’s Salon piece on Washington’s Chalabi nightmare, which concludes with the following paragraph.

This writing, my friends, is a thing of rare beauty; its allusions engage one’s inner poet:

Washington, which was just weeks ago in the grip of neoconservative orthodoxy and absolute belief in Bush’s inevitability and righteousness, is now in the throes of agonizing events and being ripped apart by investigations. Things fall apart; all that was hidden is revealed; all sacred exposed as profane: the military, loyal and lumbering, betrayed and embittered; the general in the field, Lt. Gen. Sanchez, disgraced and cashiered; and the most respected retired generals training their artillery on those who have ill-used the troops, still dying in the field; the intelligence agencies, a nautilus of chambers, abused and angry, its retired operatives plying their craft with the press corps, seeping dangerous truths; the press, hesitatingly and wobbly, investigating its own falsehoods; the neocons, publicly redoubling their passionate intensity, defending their hero and deceiver Chalabi, privately squabbling, anxiously awaiting the footsteps of FBI agents; Colin Powell, once the most acclaimed man in America, embarked on an endless quest to restore his reputation, damaged above all by his failure of nerve; everyone in the line of fire motioning toward the chain of command, spiraling upward and sideways, until the finger pointing in a phalanx is directed at the hollow crown.

Thank you, Sidney.

Frank Rich reviews Michael Moore’s Fahrenheit 9/11:

“In your wildest dreams you couldn’t imagine Franklin Roosevelt behaving [as Bush did on camera] 30 seconds before declaring war, with grave decisions and their consequences at stake,” said Moore in an interview before his new documentary’s premiere at Cannes last Monday. “But that may be giving him credit for thinking that the decisions were grave.” …

Wasn’t it just weeks ago that we were debating whether we should see the coffins of the American dead and whether Ted Koppel should read their names on “Nightline”? In “Fahrenheit 9/11,” we see the actual dying, of American troops and Iraqi civilians alike, with all the ripped flesh and spilled guts that the violence of war entails. …

The movie’s second hour is carried by the wrenching story of Lila Lipscomb, a flag-waving, self-described “conservative Democrat” from Moore’s hometown of Flint, Michigan, whose son, Sergeant Michael Pedersen, was killed in Iraq. We watch Lipscomb, who “always hated” antiwar protesters, come undone with grief and rage. She clutches her son’s last letter home and reads it aloud …

Sergeant Pedersen thanks his mother for sending “the bible and books and candy,” but not before writing of the president: “He got us out here for nothing whatsoever. I am so furious right now, Mama.” … Speaking of America’s volunteer army, Moore concludes: “They serve so that we don’t have to. They offer to give up their lives so that we can be free. It is, remarkably, their gift to us. And all they ask for in return is that we never send them into harm’s way unless it is absolutely necessary. Will they ever trust us again?”

[via Atrios]

2004-06-14 update: I’m just now seeing Roger Ebert’s detailed review that appeared shortly before Rich’s (on May 18): Less is Moore in subdued, effective ‘9/11’.

Of 415 historians who expressed a view of President Bush’s administration to this point as a success or failure, 338 classified it as a failure and 77 as a success. (Moreover, it seems likely that at least eight of those who said it is a success were being sarcastic, since seven said Bush’s presidency is only the best since Clinton’s and one named Millard Fillmore.) …

[The] abuse of the patriotism and trust of the American people is even worse than everything else this president has done and that fact alone might be sufficient to explain the depth of the hostility with which so many historians view George W. Bush. Contrary to the conservative stereotype of academics as anti-American, the reasons that many historians cited for seeing the Bush presidency as a disaster revolve around their perception that he is undermining traditional American practices and values. As one patriotic historian put it, “I think his presidency has been the worst disaster to hit the United States and is bringing our beloved country to financial, economic, and social disaster.”

[via comment to Atrios]

Embarrassingly, in the 21st century, in the most scientifically advanced nation the world has ever known, creationists can still persuade politicians, judges and ordinary citizens that evolution is a flawed, poorly supported fantasy. …

Besieged teachers and others may increasingly find themselves on the spot to defend evolution and refute creationism. The arguments that creationists use are typically specious and based on misunderstandings of (or outright lies about) evolution, but the number and diversity of the objections can put even well-informed people at a disadvantage.

To help with answering them, the following list rebuts some of the most common “scientific” arguments raised against evolution. It also directs readers to further sources for information and explains why creation science has no place in the classroom.

In my view, the theory of evolution doesn’t threaten the biblical story of creation, and it certainly doesn’t threaten God: Evolution is what creation looks like from a time-bound perspective.

[via BOPnews]

Well-done introduction to the immorality of the Iraq War, and a call for our need as a nation to examine our moral principles concerning war and the rule of law.

Prewar claims regarding Iraq’s weapons of mass destruction have all proved to be wrong; the number of terrorists in Iraq has increased rather than decreased; more American troops were killed in April than were lost during the entire invasion phase of the war; the systemic and barbarous abuse of Iraqi detainees contradicts the most basic values the Administration claimed it would bring to Iraq …

Viewed in the light of our own moral ideals, as embodied in our constitutional tradition, the right to life is so fundamental that killing the innocent to advance the cause of freedom of electoral choice or any other purpose, however worthy, must be regarded as wrong. …

The history of radical evil up to now has been primarily a story of world-class criminals, each with his own method of mass killing, internment, expulsion and terror. What is unique about the kind of evil the Bush Administration has brought into the world is that a global law-enforcement campaign to bring a world-class criminal to justice has itself become a vast criminal enterprise. It is one of the bedrock principles of the rule of law that a law-enforcement officer cannot break the law as a means of enforcing the law. …

While there will always be disagreement about the way we should wage the war on terrorism, as there will be about the way we should fight the war on crime, a global form of law enforcement that unnecessarily kills thousands of innocent people to punish or prevent crimes for which they bear no responsibility is plainly and simply wrong.

Re-read the final two quoted paragraphs.

My answer to the title’s question:
Of course he isn’t. He’s a tool of over-the-top radicals.

According to the article, many conservative thinkers more or less agree:

Does [being a conservative in America] mean fighting messianic wars to spread America’s values into the far corners of the world? As the body bags continue to pile up in Iraq, a growing number of establishment conservatives have begun to voice doubts. Does it mean ramming through tax cuts at a time when the nation faces an array of new threats and challenges? Not to those conservatives who take the notion of fiscal responsibility seriously.

Interviews with an array of conservative thinkers and policy-makers reveal a rising disquiet on these matters among people who have spent most of their lives proudly identifying with the Republican Party and the philosophy for which they’ve long assumed it stood. At the root of their discomfort is a feeling not that the Bush Administration is too conservative but that it has forsaken the guiding principles of conservatism — prudence, caution, restraint — to pursue an agenda that is messianic and radical. …

“Many traditional, mainstream Republicans see America’s most vital juices being expended in Iraq,” says Halper. “They see an outflow of tax dollars and think of all the local services they will not have, all the unfunded state requirements, all of that not happening, and they worry about very large deficits saddling their children with debt.” …

As the London Financial Times observed after Bush’s second round of tax cuts was passed, this was not conservatism but madness. “On the management of fiscal policy, the lunatics are now in charge of the asylum,” the paper commented. “Reason cuts no ice; economic theory is dismissed; and contrary evidence is ignored. But watching the world’s economic superpower slowly destroy perhaps the world’s most enviable fiscal position is something to behold.”